About Us | Subscribe | Contact & Submission info | Volunteer
.
Behind the Headlines
with Common Dreams and The Nation:

http://www.ThePortlandAlliance.org/commonnationdreams

Breaking
News!

Front Page

A few words
from the associate editor

Cartoons

Community Calendar

KBOO
PORTAL


Progressive Directory

Poetry

Previous Issues

Locations

Links

Advertising

Ad Rates

Absent Progressive Uproar, Social Security and Medicare Face Axe

The lines are being drawn for a 'Grand Bargain' and the Democrats' continued willingness to give away role as defenders of safety net and earned benefit programs, say critics, is deeply worrying

- Jon Queally, staff writer

From left: Sen. Dick Durbin, Sen. Harry Reid, Rep. Nancy Pelosi and President Obama. Are these the people who will agree to cut Social Security and Medicare? (Photo: WhiteHouse.gov)If U.S. citizens are increasingly concerned that the Democratic Party is no longer willing to fight off the right-wing attack on Social Security, Medicare, and other key social programs, Sen. Dick Durbin, President Obama and other party leaders have recently offered plenty of evidence to increase that worry.

Since the end of the government shutdown and standoff over the debt limit ended last week, Obama has repeatedly said that he wants to find a "balanced" solution to the ongoing budget debate with Republican lawmakers.

Unless a broad-based populist movement against such a deal manifests—and soon—the American public should expect some scenario in which programs like Medicare and Social Security receive long-term cuts in exchange for a short-term budget deal with Republicans.

In his first public remarks following the reopening of the government, Obama said his goal would be a "balanced approach to a responsible budget" and later declared: "The challenges we have right now are not short-term deficits; it’s the long-term obligations that we have around things like Medicare and Social Security."

On Sunday, Durbin repeated another familiar GOP talking point by telling Fox News Sunday host Chris Wallace: "Social Security is gonna run out of money in 20 years. The Baby Boom generation is gonna blow away our future. We don't wanna see that happen."

But as the Huffington Post's Zach Carter, reportingon Durbin's Fox appearance, immediately pointed out:

Social Security will not run out of money in 20 years. The program currently enjoys a surplus of more than $2 trillion. Social Security will, however, be unable to pay all benefits at current levels if nothing is changed. If a 25 percent benefit cut were implemented in 20 years, the program would be solvent into the 2080s.

Responding to Durbin's Fox News performance, FireDogLake's DSWright fired off a post which included:

If this is what Democrats do after they win a budget standoff I would hate to see what they do after they lose one.

A truly progressive Democratic Party would be calling for – at least in their first offer on a conservative television network – expanding Social Security not cutting it. Which could easily be done by removing the cap on Social Security taxes so those making over $113,000 a year simply continue paying Social Security taxes on all their income like the rest of us. This would not only ensure solvency for Social Security well into the future but could easily provide additional benefits to current retirees. More revenues and benefits!

Even if you think removing the cap is too progressive, wouldn’t you at least startthere?

And 20 years? We have record poverty, unemployment, and stagnant wagestoday. It’s time for the Democratic Party to prioritize and not open the negotiations by buying the Republican’s framing of the argument and offering cuts to historic promises. Especially without even offering a progressive alternative. Otherwise what was the point of winning the budget showdown – to reopen a conservative government?

And Richard Eskow, a fellow at the Campaign for America's Future, went further, blasting Durbin for what he termed "inflammatory" rhetoric that isn't "just false" but comes "dangerously close to demagoguery."

According to The Nation's John Nichols, the budget battle is now heightened in the wake of the latest shutdown fiasco, and it remains unclear how members from the Senate and House will craft a deal that doesn't end inb a repeated stalement. As Nichols reports:

The deal that ended the shutdown set up a high-stakes conference committee on budget issues. If there is to be a “grand bargain,” this is where it will be generated. And Ryan—the most prominent of the fourteen Democrats, fourteen Republicans and two independents on the committee—is in the thick of it.

The Budget Committee chairman says it would be “premature to get into exactly how we’re going to” sort out budget issues.

But no one should have any doubts about the hard bargain he will drive for. In the midst of the shutdown, Ryan jumped the gun by penning a Wall Street Journal op-ed that proposed: “Reforms to entitlement programs and the tax code…”

“Here are just a few ideas to get the conversation started,” Ryan wrote. “We could ask the better off to pay higher premiums for Medicare. We could reform Medigap plans to encourage efficiency and cut costs. And we could ask federal employees to contribute more to their own retirement.”

Translation: Get ready for the radical reshaping of Medicare so that it is no longer a universal program. Make way for more price-gouging by the private companies that sell supplemental insurance. Launch a new assault on public employees who have already been hit with wage freezes and furloughs.

However—and despite those (Eskow among them) who congratulated the president for "not negotiating" when the recent threat of a federal default loomed—it seems that the long-game for GOP "hostage-takers" is to see how often they can impose a crisis before the Democrats finally are allowed to bend (as they've repeatedly suggested they will) on dismembering their most successful and once-coveted policy achievements: Social Security and Medicare.

As Eskow, citing ample evidence, writes:

Not only do [Democrat leaders] apparently want to cut “Absent Progressive Uproar, Social Security and Medicare Face Axe
The lines are being drawn for a 'Grand Bargain' and the Democrats' continued willingness to give away role as defenders of safety net and earned benefit programs, say critics, is deeply worrying

- Jon Queally, staff writer

From left: Sen. Dick Durbin, Sen. Harry Reid, Rep. Nancy Pelosi and President Obama. Are these the people who will agree to cut Social Security and Medicare? (Photo: WhiteHouse.gov)
If U.S. citizens are increasingly concerned that the Democratic Party is no longer willing to fight off the right-wing attack on Social Security, Medicare, and other key social programs, Sen. Dick Durbin, President Obama and other party leaders have recently offered plenty of evidence to increase that worry.

Since the end of the government shutdown and standoff over the debt limit ended last week, Obama has repeatedly said that he wants to find a "balanced" Absent Progressive Uproar, Social Security and Medicare Face Axe
The lines are being drawn for a 'Grand Bargain' and the Democrats' continued willingness to give away role as defenders of safety net and earned benefit programs, say critics, is deeply worrying

- Jon Queally, staff writer

From left: Sen. Dick Durbin, Sen. Harry Reid, Rep. Nancy Pelosi and President Obama. Are these the people who will agree to cut Social Security and Medicare? (Photo: WhiteHouse.gov)
If U.S. citizens are increasingly concerned that the Democratic Party is no longer willing to fight off the right-wing attack on Social Security, Medicare, and other key social programs, Sen. Dick Durbin, President Obama and other party leaders have recently offered plenty of evidence to increase that worry.

Since the end of the government shutdown and standoff over the debt limit ended last week, Obama has repeatedly said that he wants to find a "balanced" solution to the ongoing budget debate with Republican lawmakers.

Unless a broad-based populist movement against such a deal manifests—and soon—the American public should expect some scenario in which programs like Medicare and Social Security receive long-term cuts in exchange for a short-term budget deal with Republicans.

In his first public remarks following the reopening of the government, Obama said his goal would be a "balanced approach to a responsible budget" and later declared: "The challenges we have right now are not short-term deficits; it’s the long-term obligations that we have around things like Medicare and Social Security."

On Sunday, Durbin repeated another familiar GOP talking point by telling Fox News Sunday host Chris Wallace: "Social Security is gonna run out of money in 20 years. The Baby Boom generation is gonna blow away our future. We don't wanna see that happen."

But as the Huffington Post's Zach Carter, reporting on Durbin's Fox appearance, immediately pointed out:

Social Security will not run out of money in 20 years. The program currently enjoys a surplus of more than $2 trillion. Social Security will, however, be unable to pay all benefits at current levels if nothing is changed. If a 25 percent benefit cut were implemented in 20 years, the program would be solvent into the 2080s.
Responding to Durbin's Fox News performance, FireDogLake's DSWright fired off a post which included:

If this is what Democrats do after they win a budget standoff I would hate to see what they do after they lose one.

A truly progressive Democratic Party would be calling for – at least in their first offer on a conservative television network – expanding Social Security not cutting it. Which could easily be done by removing the cap on Social Security taxes so those making over $113,000 a year simply continue paying Social Security taxes on all their income like the rest of us. This would not only ensure solvency for Social Security well into the future but could easily provide additional benefits to current retirees. More revenues and benefits!

Even if you think removing the cap is too progressive, wouldn’t you at least start there?

And 20 years? We have record poverty, unemployment, and stagnant wages today. It’s time for the Democratic Party to prioritize and not open the negotiations by buying the Republican’s framing of the argument and offering cuts to historic promises. Especially without even offering a progressive alternative. Otherwise what was the point of winning the budget showdown – to reopen a conservative government?
And Richard Eskow, a fellow at the Campaign for America's Future, went further, blasting Durbin for what he termed "inflammatory" rhetoric that isn't "just false" but comes "dangerously close to demagoguery."

According to The Nation's John Nichols, the budget battle is now heightened in the wake of the latest shutdown fiasco, and it remains unclear how members from the Senate and House will craft a deal that doesn't end inb a repeated stalement. As Nichols reports:

The deal that ended the shutdown set up a high-stakes conference committee on budget issues. If there is to be a “grand bargain,” this is where it will be generated. And Ryan—the most prominent of the fourteen Democrats, fourteen Republicans and two independents on the committee—is in the thick of it.

The Budget Committee chairman says it would be “premature to get into exactly how we’re going to” sort out budget issues.

But no one should have any doubts about the hard bargain he will drive for. In the midst of the shutdown, Ryan jumped the gun by penning a Wall Street Journal op-ed that proposed: “Reforms to entitlement programs and the tax code…”

“Here are just a few ideas to get the conversation started,” Ryan wrote. “We could ask the better off to pay higher premiums for Medicare. We could reform Medigap plans to encourage efficiency and cut costs. And we could ask federal employees to contribute more to their own retirement.”

Translation: Get ready for the radical reshaping of Medicare so that it is no longer a universal program. Make way for more price-gouging by the private companies that sell supplemental insurance. Launch a new assault on public employees who have already been hit with wage freezes and furloughs.
However—and despite those (Eskow among them) who congratulated the president for "not negotiating" when the recent threat of a federal default loomed—it seems that the long-game for GOP "hostage-takers" is to see how often they can impose a crisis before the Democrats finally are allowed to bend (as they've repeatedly suggested they will) on dismembering their most successful and once-coveted policy achievements: Social Security and Medicare.

As Eskow, citing ample evidence, writes:

Not only do [Democrat leaders] apparently want to cut “entitlements” – some such cuts are included in the President’s current budget – but they’ve essentially conceded as much, leaving them very little negotiating leverage.

For their part, Republicans say they’re willing to give up the harmful cuts known as sequestration – and only those cuts – in return for Social Security and Medicare benefit reductions. Their defense-contractor patrons would be amply rewarded in return for sacrifices from America’s seniors and disabled.
Within the established circle of Beltway punditry and cable news shows, the idea of a negotiated settlement in which Democrats offer up cuts to earned benefit programs like Social Security in exchange for some sort of vague "revenue increase" is now heralded as the "obvious" and "mature" course for Congress and the Obama White House.

However, as Eskow argues, "entitlement cuts are not an 'adult' position" but rather "the conservative position" of long-standing.

Further, pushing back against Democrats who have embraced the idea of a so-called 'Grand Bargain' with their Republican counterparts, Eskow says that unless a broad-based populist movement against such a deal manifests—and soon—the American public should expect some scenario in which programs like Medicare and Social Security receive long-term cuts in exchange for a short-term budget deal with Republicans.

More and more, Eskow writes, "we find ourselves in a Bizarro-World situation where too many Democrats speak like Republicans, most Republican Party leaders speak like right-wing extremists, and the Republican Party 'insurgents' sound more and more like the leaders of paramilitary militias."

This lurch to the right is not only bad economics, he argues, but clearly bad politics, too. He writes:

Any scenario which leads to Social Security or Medicare cuts would be bad for seniors. It would also be bad for any politician who supported it.

A recent poll by Lake Research shows that 82% of all Americans oppose cuts to Social Security, including 83% of Democrats, 78% of independents, 82% of Republicans – and, in one of the most startling findings of all, fully three-fourths of all self-described Tea Party members (74%). (Social Security Works has a video and a petition on this subject.)

Democrats hold the advantage on this issue right now, which means it’s theirs to lose.
But for those Americans forced to watch the increasingly 'Bizarro-World' of Washington politics surrounding the budget battle, what is the scenario in which the idea of Social Security or Medicare cuts are vanquished? Eskow predicts the odds are slim, but argues the only scenario to be hopeful for is one in which "progressives, both officeholders and activists, lead a popular movement which reflects public opinion and defends these programs from so-called 'Grand Bargain' cuts." And concludes:

It won’t be an easy victory. But it’s the only ending to this story in which everybody lives happily ever after: Seniors and disabled people aren’t forced unnecessarily into penury or financial insecurity. Good Democrats get elected, or reelected, to office. A serious conversation is begun about how to mitigate the effects of runaway profit-seeking on American healthcare.

That scenario won’t come by itself. People will have to work for it. But it would be more than worth the effort.
_____________________________________

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Licensesolution to the ongoing budget debate with Republican lawmakers.

Unless a broad-based populist movement against such a deal manifests—and soon—the American public should expect some scenario in which programs like Medicare and Social Security receive long-term cuts in exchange for a short-term budget deal with Republicans.

In his first public remarks following the reopening of the government, Obama said his goal would be a "balanced approach to a responsible budget" and later declared: "The challenges we have right now are not short-term deficits; it’s the long-term obligations that we have around things like Medicare and Social Security."

On Sunday, Durbin repeated another familiar GOP talking point by telling Fox News Sunday host Chris Wallace: "Social Security is gonna run out of money in 20 years. The Baby Boom generation is gonna blow away our future. We don't wanna see that happen."

But as the Huffington Post's Zach Carter, reporting on Durbin's Fox appearance, immediately pointed out:

Social Security will not run out of money in 20 years. The program currently enjoys a surplus of more than $2 trillion. Social Security will, however, be unable to pay all benefits at current levels if nothing is changed. If a 25 percent benefit cut were implemented in 20 years, the program would be solvent into the 2080s.
Responding to Durbin's Fox News performance, FireDogLake's DSWright fired off a post which included:

If this is what Democrats do after they win a budget standoff I would hate to see what they do after they lose one.

A truly progressive Democratic Party would be calling for – at least in their first offer on a conservative television network – expanding Social Security not cutting it. Which could easily be done by removing the cap on Social Security taxes so those making over $113,000 a year simply continue paying Social Security taxes on all their income like the rest of us. This would not only ensure solvency for Social Security well into the future but could easily provide additional benefits to current retirees. More revenues and benefits!

Even if you think removing the cap is too progressive, wouldn’t you at least start there?

And 20 years? We have record poverty, unemployment, and stagnant wages today. It’s time for the Democratic Party to prioritize and not open the negotiations by buying the Republican’s framing of the argument and offering cuts to historic promises. Especially without even offering a progressive alternative. Otherwise what was the point of winning the budget showdown – to reopen a conservative government?
And Richard Eskow, a fellow at the Campaign for America's Future, went further, blasting Durbin for what he termed "inflammatory" rhetoric that isn't "just false" but comes "dangerously close to demagoguery."

According to The Nation's John Nichols, the budget battle is now heightened in the wake of the latest shutdown fiasco, and it remains unclear how members from the Senate and House will craft a deal that doesn't end inb a repeated stalement. As Nichols reports:

The deal that ended the shutdown set up a high-stakes conference committee on budget issues. If there is to be a “grand bargain,” this is where it will be generated. And Ryan—the most prominent of the fourteen Democrats, fourteen Republicans and two independents on the committee—is in the thick of it.

The Budget Committee chairman says it would be “premature to get into exactly how we’re going to” sort out budget issues.

But no one should have any doubts about the hard bargain he will drive for. In the midst of the shutdown, Ryan jumped the gun by penning a Wall Street Journal op-ed that proposed: “Reforms to entitlement programs and the tax code…”

“Here are just a few ideas to get the conversation started,” Ryan wrote. “We could ask the better off to pay higher premiums for Medicare. We could reform Medigap plans to encourage efficiency and cut costs. And we could ask federal employees to contribute more to their own retirement.”

Translation: Get ready for the radical reshaping of Medicare so that it is no longer a universal program. Make way for more price-gouging by the private companies that sell supplemental insurance. Launch a new assault on public employees who have already been hit with wage freezes and furloughs.
However—and despite those (Eskow among them) who congratulated the president for "not negotiating" when the recent threat of a federal default loomed—it seems that the long-game for GOP "hostage-takers" is to see how often they can impose a crisis before the Democrats finally are allowed to bend (as they've repeatedly suggested they will) on dismembering their most successful and once-coveted policy achievements: Social Security and Medicare.

As Eskow, citing ample evidence, writes:

Not only do [Democrat leaders] apparently want to cut “entitlements” – some such cuts are included in the President’s current budget – but they’ve essentially conceded as much, leaving them very little negotiating leverage.

For their part, Republicans say they’re willing to give up the harmful cuts known as sequestration – and only those cuts – in return for Social Security and Medicare benefit reductions. Their defense-contractor patrons would be amply rewarded in return for sacrifices from America’s seniors and disabled.
Within the established circle of Beltway punditry and cable news shows, the idea of a negotiated settlement in which Democrats offer up cuts to earned benefit programs like Social Security in exchange for some sort of vague "revenue increase" is now heralded as the "obvious" and "mature" course for Congress and the Obama White House.

However, as Eskow argues, "entitlement cuts are not an 'adult' position" but rather "the conservative position" of long-standing.

Further, pushing back against Democrats who have embraced the idea of a so-called 'Grand Bargain' with their Republican counterparts, Eskow says that unless a broad-based populist movement against such a deal manifests—and soon—the American public should expect some scenario in which programs like Medicare and Social Security receive long-term cuts in exchange for a short-term budget deal with Republicans.

More and more, Eskow writes, "we find ourselves in a Bizarro-World situation where too many Democrats speak like Republicans, most Republican Party leaders speak like right-wing extremists, and the Republican Party 'insurgents' sound more and more like the leaders of paramilitary militias."

This lurch to the right is not only bad economics, he argues, but clearly bad politics, too. He writes:

Any scenario which leads to Social Security or Medicare cuts would be bad for seniors. It would also be bad for any politician who supported it.

A recent poll by Lake Research shows that 82% of all Americans oppose cuts to Social Security, including 83% of Democrats, 78% of independents, 82% of Republicans – and, in one of the most startling findings of all, fully three-fourths of all self-described Tea Party members (74%). (Social Security Works has a video and a petition on this subject.)

Democrats hold the advantage on this issue right now, which means it’s theirs to lose.
But for those Americans forced to watch the increasingly 'Bizarro-World' of Washington politics surrounding the budget battle, what is the scenario in which the idea of Social Security or Medicare cuts are vanquished? Eskow predicts the odds are slim, but argues the only scenario to be hopeful for is one in which "progressives, both officeholders and activists, lead a popular movement which reflects public opinion and defends these programs from so-called 'Grand Bargain' cuts." And concludes:

It won’t be an easy victory. But it’s the only ending to this story in which everybody lives happily ever after: Seniors and disabled people aren’t forced unnecessarily into penury or financial insecurity. Good Democrats get elected, or reelected, to office. A serious conversation is begun about how to mitigate the effects of runaway profit-seeking on American healthcare.

That scenario won’t come by itself. People will have to work for it. But it would be more than worth the effort.
_____________________________________

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Licenseentitlements” – some such cuts are included in the President’s current budget – but they’ve essentially conceded as much, leaving them very little negotiating leverage.

For their part, Republicans say they’re willing to give up the harmful cuts known as sequestration – and only those cuts – in return for Social Security and Medicare benefit reductions. Their defense-contractor patrons would be amply rewarded in return for sacrifices from America’s seniors and disabled.

Within the established circle of Beltway punditry and cable news shows, the idea of a negotiated settlement in which Democrats offer up cuts to earned benefit programs like Social Security in exchange for some sort of vague "revenue increase" is now heralded as the "obvious" and "mature" course for Congress and the Obama White House.

However, as Eskow argues, "entitlement cuts are not an 'adult' position" but rather "the conservative position" of long-standing.

Further, pushing back against Democrats who have embraced the idea of a so-called 'Grand Bargain' with their Republican counterparts, Eskow says that unless a broad-based populist movement against such a deal manifests—and soon—the American public should expect some scenario in which programs like Medicare and Social Security receive long-term cuts in exchange for a short-term budget deal with Republicans. 

More and more, Eskow writes, "we find ourselves in a Bizarro-World situation where too many Democrats speak like Republicans, most Republican Party leaders speak like right-wing extremists, and the Republican Party 'insurgents' sound more and more like the leaders of paramilitary militias."

This lurch to the right is not only bad economics, he argues, but clearly bad politics, too. He writes:

Any scenario which leads to Social Security or Medicare cuts would be bad for seniors. It would also be bad for any politician who supported it.

A recent poll by Lake Research shows that 82% of all Americans oppose cuts to Social Security, including 83% of Democrats, 78% of independents, 82% of Republicans – and, in one of the most startling findings of all, fully three-fourths of all self-described Tea Party members (74%). (Social Security Works has a video and a petition on this subject.)

Democrats hold the advantage on this issue right now, which means it’s theirs to lose.

But for those Americans forced to watch the increasingly 'Bizarro-World' of Washington politics surrounding the budget battle, what is the scenario in which the idea of Social Security or Medicare cuts are vanquished? Eskow predicts the odds are slim, but argues the only scenario to be hopeful for is one in which "progressives, both officeholders and activists, lead a popular movement which reflects public opinion and defends these programs from so-called 'Grand Bargain' cuts." And concludes:

It won’t be an easy victory. But it’s the only ending to this story in which everybody lives happily ever after: Seniors and disabled people aren’t forced unnecessarily into penury or financial insecurity. Good Democrats get elected, or reelected, to office. A serious conversation is begun about how to mitigate the effects of runaway profit-seeking on American healthcare.

That scenario won’t come by itself. People will have to work for it. But it would be more than worth the effort.

_____________________________________

We must not forget what happened in 2005...
     a hostile takeover of PBS & NPR

 

Published on Wednesday, July 6, 2005 by the Capital Times (Madison, Wisconsin)
PBS Stolen by Right Wing in Cunning Bait and Switch
by Ed Garvey
 
What can we do about the hostile takeover of the Public Broadcasting System and National Public Radio by the right wing?

That they have taken over is beyond dispute.

Ken Tomlinson is chairman of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and he has succeeded in placing former Republican National Committee co-chairwoman and fellow neocon Patricia Harrison into the position of president and CEO of CPB. While we were focused on draconian budget cuts proposed by a House committee, Tomlinson and Harrison were doing their inside magic.

Literally millions of Americans sent e-mails to Congress demanding that the 25 percent cut in funding be restored. And, voila! The money was restored almost without debate.

Self-congratulatory e-mails flooded our computer screens. Eager to prove the political power of the Internet, many groups took credit for restoring the funding. In retrospect, the back-pats were premature. The battle was too easy, the results unsatisfactory. It was a set-up. As Frank Rich of the New York Times put it, Tomlinson, Bush and Harrison "castrated" public television and NPR.

We are now faced with a CPB that will mimic Fox news with its "fair and balanced" theme.

What does that mean? We got our first hint last week. The leading advocate of the Iraqi invasion, Richard Perle, will be featured on the "new" and "balanced" PBS in a made-for-television movie produced by a good friend of Perle, Brian Lapping. Lapping said that Perle is correct that "quite a lot of the preconceptions about neocons are just wrong." And, as he explained in the New York Times, the Perle film will be "mostly a journey, through his life and experiences." It will show Perle, who called journalist Sy Hersh a "terrorist," interacting with his critics who, get this, "say he was overly optimistic about American prospects in Iraq."

Overly optimistic? Nah, c'mon folks, the president told us just last week that we are winning. Perhaps Richard Perle was not optimistic enough! But not to worry. At a dinner meeting in Provence, France, where Perle and his propagandist Lapping are neighbors, Perle won over critics of the war before the brandy helped settle the meal.

"He's a very gentle performer, a very persuasive performer," said producer Lapping.

Face it. They stole the Renoir while we focused on the milk money. If our e-mails and petitions helped restore the money, it will now go to the likes of Richard Perle's neighbor for Big Bird's sake. This isn't about Big Bird. This is all about the Big Heist. They stole "Frontline." They cut "NOW" to half an hour. They gave the editorial board of the most conservative newspaper in the nation, the Wall Street Journal, a program on PBS.

When the pledge drive rolls around, what will you do? Will you write out a check, call in with your credit card in hand, join in the fun of funding "your" public television? Or will the images of Richard Perle, Ken Tomlinson and Patricia Harrison appear on your mental screen and force you to ask yourself, where is my money going? Whatever your decision, "they" win.

This is a sad time. Not only do the neocons control both houses of Congress, the White House, and the Supreme Court, they now are in full gallop at PBS and NPR. A prediction: Soon, NPR will force talk radio to become national. They will argue that "Talk of the Nation," "Fresh Air" and other nationally controlled and produced programs are "better" than those locally produced by Joy Cardin, Kathleen Dunn, Dave Berkman and others.

When that happens, where will our voices be heard? Two or three multinationals own most of the newspapers in Wisconsin; two companies own most commercial radio; commercial TV is hopeless.

Here is a modest proposal. It costs about $3 million to construct one mile of new highway. Could we put aside 10 miles of highway over the next two years out of the $4 billion Department of Transportation budget? Put the money in trust governed by prominent citizens who have demonstrated a commitment to independent journalism. The 10-mile plan would happen every budget cycle. Can we find honest and dedicated people to guard the integrity of our own public radio and TV? No problem. Public radio was born in Wisconsin. Let Wisconsin take the lead today in protecting this valuable asset. It is time for action, not hand-wringing.

Ed Garvey is a Madison lawyer, political activist and the editor of the fightingbob.com Web site. E-mail: comments@fightingbob.com

© 2005 The Capital Times




 'This Is What Democracy Looks Like' in Wisconsin, as Largest Crowd Yet -- 80,000 -- Opposes Union Busting

    by John Nichols

 

MADISON -- Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker finished a bad week with a misstep that emphasized his inability to generate support for his attempt to strip the state’s public employees of collective bargaining rights.

 

Protesters demonstrate in front of Gov. Scott Walker's office at the State Capitol. (Andy Manis / AP) First, the governor’s radical proposal went to such extremes in its anti-labor bias that it sparked a protest movement so large, so steady and so determined in its demands that it is now commonly compared with the protests that have rocked Egypt and other Middle Eastern countries.

 

Then, the man that badges worn by marchers describe as “The Mubarak of the Middle West” really blew it. Saturday was supposed to be the day when the governor pushed back against the movement that has challenged his radical power grab.  The governor’s Tea Party allies attempted to grab the spotlight with a rally at the state Capital. Unfortunately, the much-hyped event, which national Tea Party groups had poured money and organizing energy into generating, drew an anemic crowd of several thousand. Even by the optimistic estimates of the Tea Partisans themselves, the pro-Walker turnout was one-tenth the size of the crowd that came to oppose the governor’s so-called “budget repair bill.”

 

The governor made things worse for himself by going on CNN and announcing that he had received 19,000 emails from the “quiet majority” of Wisconsinites since he made his proposal and claimed that most of them were supportive.

 

Dumb move. Really dumb move.

 

Within hours of making his claim, the streets of Madison were filled by what veteran political organizers described as the largest demonstration ever seen in the city. Former Mayor Paul Soglin, a key organizer of anti-Vietnam War protests, said, “We had some big demonstrations in the sixties, but this is bigger.”

 

Organizers of a 2004 rally featuring Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry and rocker Bruce Springsteen, where the crowd was estimated at 80,000, pointed out that Saturday’s protest against Walker’s budget filled a significantly larger space. And, they noted, thousands of addition opponents of the governor’s proposal packed the Capitol.

 

Mahlon Mitchell, the president of the Wisconsin Professional Firefighters Association, which has been a high-profile participant in the demonstrations, surveyed the crowd while recounting Walker’s boast about the 19,000 emails.

 

“I think I have 19,000 people behind me,” said Mitchell.

 

Pointing to one edge of the massive audience arrayed before him, he said: “And 20,000 there.”

 

He pointed to the other edge of the crowd: “And 20,000 there.”

 

Finally, he pointed down State Street, the thoroughfare that stretches from the Capitol to the University of Wisconsin campus, which was packed with students who have backed the unions: “And 20,000 there.”

 

Rallying with Mitchell was Wisconsin Education Association Council president Mary Bell, who picked up on the “this-is-what-democracy-looks-like” theme that has become so central to the marches, rallies and pickets that have swept not just Madison but a state where even small towns have seen protests against Walker’s bill.

 

“The power of government in this state does not come from this Capitol,” she said of the building that was surrounded by teachers, educational assistants, nurses, snow-plow drivers and state engineers, as well as their tens of thousands of backers. “The power comes from the people.”

 

And while Scott Walker may claim a  “quiet majority” of 19,000 emails received by his office, a noisy majority of more than 80,000 Wisconsinites braved a winter day to tell the governor that the people have spoken: They’re with the unions.

© 2011 The Nation

Navigation:

Navigation: FrontPage / Activism / Interactive Calendar / Donate / Flyer / YouTube / Poster / Subscribe / Place Ad / Ad Rates /
                  Online Ads / Advertising / Twitter / News! / Previous Issues / Blog/ Myspace / Facebook1 / Facebook2
Features:   Active Community / A Few Words /Arts & Culture / Breaking News / Jobs /  / Labor HistoryMusicNewsBytes /
Progressive Directory / Cartoons / Community CalendarLetters / Poetry / Viewpoints & Commentary
ColumnsBeeman, Brown, Engelhardt / Kucinich / Munk / Myers / William Reed / Schwebke / Norman Solomon / Vorpahl / Wittner
Partners: AFD / AMA / Bread&Roses / CAUSA/ CLG/ DIA / FSP /ISO / Jobs w\ Justice / KBOO / Labor Radio / LGBTQ / MRG / Move-On / Occupy /
        OEA / Occupy PDX / Peace House / The 99% / Peace worker / PCASC / PPRC /Street Roots / SkannerTruthOut / Urban League / VFP / Voz /
Topics: A-I AIPAC / Civil Rights / Coal / Death Penalty / Education / F-29 / Environment / Foreclosure / Health / Homelessness /
 Topics:  J-R  Middle East / Occupy Blog / Peace / Persian / Police / Post Office
Topics: S-Z STRIKE! /  Tri-Met / 3rd Parties / Union / VDay / War & Peace / Women / Writing / WritingResource
Coming Soon: Service Directory / Editing / Flyers / Ground View / Flying Focus / Literacy / Rashad


The Portland Alliance: P.O. Box 14162 / Portland, OR 97293-0162
Phone Number:  503-697-1670
Production office:  we need one!
For questions, comments, or suggestions for this site, please contact editor@theportlandalliance.org or ThePortlandAlliance@gmail.com
© 1981-2013 NAAME Northwest Alliance for Alternative Media & Education, dba
The Portland Alliance: All Rights Reserved.
A 501C3 Oregon Non-profit Corporation for Public Benefit